The of the hope-and- change days look

The relationship between Mayors of New York City and Governors of New York Statefeatures a history of high tensions. It often involves reluctant cooperation with the two officesand practical compromises. This is largely due to the city, the nation’s largest, consistentlyseeking more funds and increased sway over Albany’s legislative process. But the city often hasto contend with the state’s leaders; chiefly, the Governor. “Relations between mayors andgovernors generally range from outright hatred to lip-curling disdain, with occasional periods ofmutual contempt. And perhaps that is to be expected, given the unusual dynamics of power inNew York” (Golway).Mayor’s often find that their bully pulpit doesn’t go well in the State House. Mayor JohnLindsay was elected on a wave of GOP populism. Lindsay promised to bring change to NewYork City. “Lindsay promised urban renewal and racial uplift, so unabashedly messianic hemakes the Barack Obama of the hope-and- change days look like a milquetoast actuary. NewYork ‘is a city in which there will be new light in tired eyes,” (Nazaryan). But despite that he andGovernor Nelson Rockefeller were both left-leaning Republicans, Lindsay’s policy proposalswere often upended. Rockefeller refused to provide aid to support Lindsay on many occasions,including during riots and strikes. The feud went so far that Lindsay endorsed a Democrat overRockefeller when the Governor was running for his fourth term.Though sometimes, the political relationship is more amicable behind closed doors.Robert F. Wagner, mayor of New York City from 1954 to 1965, and Rockefeller often criticizedeach other publicly in the press. But that did not stop them from making backroom deals when itserved both their interests. When Wagner needed more state aid or expanded taxing power tosupport city services, he was usually able to get Rockefeller and the Legislature to help him.Mayor Bill de Blasio and Governor Andrew Cuomo follow a long line of feuds betweencity and state. This is due to the natural relationship their respective offices have always had, butalso because of their difference in political styles: de Blasio is a noted ideologue anduncompromising liberal. Cuomo, while still a Democrat, is more of a pragmatic centrist. Shortlyafter de Blasio’s was elected, the two played up their working relationship to the press, citingtheir time together at the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development underPresident Bill Clinton. But only a month into de Blasio’s tenure as mayor, the two foundthemselves in constant conflict.One of the major issues that Mayor de Blasio and Governor Cuomo disagreed on wascharter schools. In February 2014 the city’s Department of Education announced that de Blasioreversed nine of the 45 co-locations previously approved by former Mayor Michael Bloomberg.This included three of Eva Moskowitz’s Success Academies. Mayor de Blasio has been criticalof the charter school movement and Moskowitz, accusing her schools of getting preferentialtreatment under the Bloomberg administration (Shapiro). In response, Moskowitz launched an adcampaign against de Blasio and organized a pro-charter rally in March 2014. Cuomo made anunexpected appearance at the Albany rally and announced his support for finding locations forcharter schools (Bakeman).On the same day, de Blasio held a rally in support of his signature pre-Kindergartenproposal, drawing 1,000 attendees, which was largely over shadowed by the 7,000 who attendedthe pro-charter rally. Later that March, Cuomo and state legislators announced a $300 milliondeal which included protections for Charter schools. “Most significantly, the legislation wouldrequire the city to find space for charter schools inside public school buildings or pay much ofthe cost to house them in private space. The legislation would also prohibit the city fromcharging rent to charter schools, an idea Mr. de Blasio had championed as a candidate formayor” (Kaplan and Hernandez). The pressure from the charters and Cuomo also moved deBlasio to reverse his charter decision, including two of the three Success Academy charterschools that were previously denied co-locations (Shapiro).De Blasio and Cuomo also clashed over how to fund universal pre-K, a major initiativecampaigned for by de Blasio in 2013. The plan was rolled out shortly after he was elected andoriginally proposed that New Yorkers residents who made over $500,000 be taxed in order topay for the program (Huffington Post). Cuomo was facing re-election at the height of thisconflict and had already promised not to increase taxes. Eventually the Governor won out: “theGovernor rejected the Mayor’s efforts to pass a tax increase on high-earning city residents, but inthe end, Mr. de Blasio emerged with most of the money he says he needs to expand preschool”(Kaplan and Hernandez).Mayor de Blasio had two major priorities he wanted to complete in this year’s Legislativesession in Albany: seeking permanent mayoral control over NYC public schools and changes tothe expiring 421-a tax abatement. De Blasio advocated for permanent control during the sessionand eventually negotiated down to three years. In a last minute deal, the state Legislature onlygave de Blasio a one-year extension of mayoral control; in comparison, Bloomberg was awardeda six year extension. Success Academy C.E.O. Eva Moskowitz, an ally of Cuomo's and an avidcritic of de Blasio critic, has said that de Blasio is undeserving of mayoral control. The StateSenate’s Republican majority leader, John Flanagan has also echoed this sentiment. At anunrelated press conference Cuomo, a Democrat, failed to offer de Blasio any support, saying"Next year we can come back, and if he does a good job, then we can say he should have morecontrol.” (Shapiro).De Blasio’s ambitious housing agenda seeks to build 80,000 units of affordable housingand calls for the preservation of another 120,000 units over the next 10 years. To do this he willlikely need 421-a, a generous tax abatement that is given to real estate developers to incentivethem to build in New York. It currently requires that developers make 20% of housingaffordable. De Blasio put forward a plan to Albany’s Legislature in May that would require 25%of apartments to be designated for low-income housing and would extend the tax for 35 years(Bagli and Navarro). Governor Cuomo, who is usually a centrist, said that De Blasio’s plan wasnot liberal enough. Cuomo criticized de Blasio for favoring developers over labor unions in hisproposed tweaks to the real estate subsidy program saying “I want to make sure the workers areprotected and the developers get a fair deal. But I am not interested in passing a program that is agiveaway to the developers” (Vielkind). Eventually the New York Legislature didn’t act on 421and let it expire on June 15, saying they would vote on it later.On June 30, 2015 Mayor de Blasio gave his most intense criticism of Governor Cuomo todate, saying that Cuomo was more concerned with backroom deals than serving New Yorkers.De Blasio said his legislative agenda was derailed by a governor who exacts ‘revenge.’ DeBlasio also argued that he would have won a longer extension of mayoral control of city schoolsif Cuomo had not pressured the State Senate to push for a one-year deal. De Blasio spoke foralmost 30 minutes about Cuomo’s role in rejecting his agenda in Albany. He blamed Cuomo forinfluencing the Republican-controlled Senate. De Blasio added that he had been "disappointed atevery turn" by Cuomo who he endorsed for re-election last year. De Blasio continued: "I'm notgoing to be surprised if these statements lead to some attempts at revenge…” De Blasio gavesome examples of what he saw as revenge which included “inconveniently timed pressure…toincrease transit funding and a fight over money for public housing” (Goldenberg).Governor Cuomo responded to de Blasio’s accusations of him being a bully, havingpersonal vendettas and a lack of leadership. By saying that “The mayor was obviously frustratedhe didn’t get everything he wanted from the legislative session. Welcome to Albany.” Cuomoadded that ;I understand why he's frustrated. I get frustrated, but we have a situation in Albanywhere you don’t always get everything you want. That's called life."Recently the feud has continued to boil over with Cuomo criticizing the city’s response toan outbreak of legionnaires disease over the summer and the two politicians, once again, tradingbarbs over how to fund the MTA’s $30 billion capital plan. Some have called the dynamicpotentially dangerous. During the legionnaires outbreak the two held separate conferences andsupplied conflicting information, worrying the public and showing obvious signs of an utter lackof basic cooperation. Given Cuomo’s recent re-election and the tendency of NYC Mayors to bere-elected, this tense dynamic will teeter on with their constituencies lying in the crosshairs.